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SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND SECURITY CHALLENGES IN NIGERIA: A LINKAGE Nurudeen Ayinde nuruayinde4u@gmail.com, 07069657118

SOCIAL INEQUALITY AND SECURITY CHALLENGES IN NIGERIA: A LINKAGE

Nurudeen Ayinde
nuruayinde4u@gmail.com, 07069657118

Initially, through the history of human society, there was nothing known as private property. There was no rich and no poor. This historical epoch has been variously described as primitive communalism, stateless society etc. Also, considering the dynamic nature of human beings, though, one can argue that even at this particular historical point, man did not possess equal ability or attitude to work. However, there was no bosses or  superiors and no servants as the case may be. Man collectively engaged in the struggle to tap from nature for survival. Interestingly, it may be true that life at this period in history was poor and unfavourable, but this was never because man was inherently brutish nor wicked as some classical thinkers like Thomas Hobbes put it, but because man's capacity to effectively deal with nature was rudimentary. Despite this, however, men would work together in the spirit of brotherhood for the sake of collective survival. Such work included fruits gathering, hunting and strategic defence against wild animals and possible external aggression. There was no special group of people to perform certain special functions.

This view is well illuminated by Ernest Mandel (1969:9), "State emerged at a point when certain functions formerly performed by a majority of the members of the society were taken away from them so as to arrogate these functions to a small tiny group of individuals (e.g. arms and justice)." He explained that in the primitive collectivism, all male members of the group (and sometimes even all adults, male and female) are armed. That the notion that bearing of arms is the particular preserve of some specialised institution was not known. Also, he pointed out that the exercise of justice was not the prerogative of particular group of individuals; that the right belongs to the collectivity. Reiner (2000:5) advanced this position suggesting that "while policing may originate in collective and communal processes of social control, specialised (police) forces develop hand in hand with the development of social inequality and hierarchy." Therefore, as social division of labour accentuate, class ensued and thus begot a new social order - slavocracy.

Social inequality is a phenomenon that breeds so many social ills. It is the mother of corruption. Many observers/social commentators have focused their attention in an attempt to explaining sociopolitical stink characterising Nigerian society on corruption  as being the causal factor. For better understanding of the problem, in my view, it is imperative to view corruption as not an isolated phenomenon. Corruption thrives in a social order that breeds it - political economy of inequality.

A survey of early Christianity will reveal how the concept of communalism was well entrenched. In the Acts of the Apostles, "And they continued steadfastly in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship, and in the breaking of bread, and in prayers... And all that believed were together, And had all things in common, And sold their possessions and goods and parted them to all men, as every man had need" (Acts, 2:42). Also, according to the same Acts, "And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul. Neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed was his own; but they had all things in common.. Neither was there any among them that lacked: for as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and laid them down at the apostle's feet, and distribution was made unto every man according as he had need (4:32).

But, regrettably, the pervading socioeconomic structure in Nigeria, which to Karl Marx, determines other superstructures is way too far from encouraging such humanitarian doctrine. The inherent characteristics of capitalism is one that promulgates the "crude theory of evolution" - survival of the fittest. It is the system that promotes social inequality by way of giving chance to those who have the means to accumulate or arrogate to themselves as much as profits or common wealth of the people, thereby subjecting the masses to an untold misery.

More worrisome is the rate at which people have been made to believe that inequality is natural - men are not created equally - that God actually creates some to be rich and others to be poor for example. A logical view that could however drive this position is the case where every able, willing and enterprising individual is inevitably entitled to a basic standard of living, where the disabled or idlers may be understood to be lacking as a result of her/his innate or adopted capacity or attitude. Ironically, evidence abounds that the well-to-do idlers are overwhelmingly rich while plenitudes of hardworking people are extremely poor. Also, such oppressive philosophy was even embellished vis-à-vis religious indoctrinations - that the real enjoyment and bliss is in heaven and that man should continue to suffer and be contented with his condition here on earth.

Fundamentally, this view arouses certain philosophical questions thus: Was there a rich or poor between Adam and Eve? Are there enough resources to take care of everybody's basic needs? Why can't the extremely rich (especially clerics or priests) distribute their material wealth to the needy settling aside just what is needed to take care of their basic needs? Are submission, obedience and worshipping really a desideratum for success or wellness in terms of material needs? Does God answer prayers the same way among the nations (that which may be taken to disaggregate the  difference in North/South economic fortune), individuals or groups of individuals? However, accuracy or otherwise of the answers to these posers is ultimately measured through the lens of objectivism and logic and I will leave that for you to determine.

Basically, equality of access to wealth creation and distribution has evaded human societies for a very long time. Its manifestations in Nigeria have obviously reached the climax. Social, political and economic rights have been reduced to an exclusive prerogative of the ruling elite. And this is the very reason why the rich are getting richer while the poor are getting poorer. The gap between the rich and those who don't have is getting wider. Unemployment rate has been on the increase. There are no adequate infrastructure or social services to meet basic needs for living. Poor and oppressed people are dying of curable diseases while the rich fly out of the country for regular medical check up at ease. Educational system is decayed. Poverty, illiteracy and all forms of insecurity are well pronounced in the Nigerian socioeconomic theatre.

To a very large extent, it is the same set of individuals who fall within rich or ruling class that has been recycling or revolving around political and economic powers in virtually every social system. Agbaje (2011:253) exploring the link between wealth, power and insecurity in the contemporary Nigeria, posits that "as a safety valve, the belief is still valid that access to wealth and power commands some measures of security." He stressed further, citing Forrest (1999), that "the exercise of state power was closely linked to asymmetric economic advancement of individual, community, sectional and ethnic interests." Such reality has therefore contributed enormously to the suffering of the poor masses as the few privileged would stop at nothing to assert and maintain their position well above the ordinary people. For example, only the rich could afford hyper expensive bullet proof vehicles, armed security personnel, extensive medical facilities etc.

Similarly, Ernest Mandel (1969) examining the method of recruiting civil service people concludes
that the state apparatus is a tool in the hands of the bourgeois. According to him:
             "you have to have certain degrees, you have to have taken certain course to apply for certain positions, especially important positions. Such a system excludes a huge number of people who were not able to get a university education or its equivalent because equality of educational opportunity doesn't really exist. Even if the civil service examination system is democratic on the surface, it is also a selective instrument."

Social inequality is manifesting in our society in many ways. People who really do the hardest works get lowly paid by the bosses. Only one man is allowed by our very laws to own what could take care of millions of people and is free to acquire more. Juicy jobs and appointments are meant for the rich alone. A lot of people are homeless while so many estates are empty. Millions of people are hungry; they cannot afford the basic needs of life. The few rich continuously lavish billions of naira (in most cases dollars) on luxuries. The youths who are supposed to be engaged and targeted in productive thinking and governance respectively are being constantly ignored and condemned to frustration and depression. This state of depression and frustration is actually responsible for a significant number of violence and security quagmire we are witnessing today. A secure environment is very essential for human to develop her/his potentials. Business cannot thrive in an unsafe environment. Nigeria has been faced with a series of violence, all of which constitute serious security challenges. These ranges from religious intolerance, armed robbery, theft, fraud, ethnic chauvinism, political crises, social tension, economic crisis, official corruption or corporate fraud, ritual killings etc. to kidnapping and terrorism. Nobody really feels safe or no zone is considered safe. The irony is that as the process of urbanisation and urban renewal bring people more closer physically, people are getting far apart socially, religiously, psychologically and politically. We are now living in a world where it is difficult to trust or believe anybody. The spirit of brotherhood that was hitherto a cardinal principle of social relations has been thrown into the trash bin. Nobody really cares about others. The whole basis of existence is competition and the fittest survives at the end of the game. All these are indices of violence and constitute a serious threat to a peaceful and just environment where human potentials can be fully enhanced.

But quite unfortunately, some people are stuck in a misguided view that Nigerian youths are generally not productive or creative thinkers. Proponents of this school cite successful elites like Aliko Dangote, Mark Zuckerbag, Linda Ikeji, Bill Gate, Femi Otedola, Funso Alakija, Jimoh Ibrahim etc. to justify such position that wealth is an inevitable product of hard work, creativity and enterprise. It is saying the obvious that there are millions of Nigerian youths who don't sleep while others are fast asleep. Many of them have a lot of ideas running through their heads. However, this kind of unfavourable and imbalance environment they found themselves has impaired their capacity to fully develop their potentials. A great population of our youths is intelligent, adventurous and hardworking. Therefore, aggregating such aforementioned bourgeoisies as evidence or justification of wealth being reward of enterprise and hard work is expressing ignorance or hypocrisy about the nature and character of social relations of production incidental to wealth creation and distribution in a capitalist matrix. This is because there are other individuals who are really more or less hardworking, enterprising or intelligent than these cited individuals, but whom could not be seen anywhere near these super rich on fame and wealth pedestals. The implication therefore is that there are other factors that could be taken to account for their fame and fortune, which essentially include class origin.

Instructively, recent dimensions of violent agitations in our society are all pointing to a systemic failure. Book Haram terrorism, Niger Delta militants, Biafra separatists, OPC militants etc. are all contradictions of capitalism. Even though there are mischievous and dubious elements among these groups using the avenue to perpetrate evil motives and enrich themselves, the view is valid that very many people feel they are being cheated and marginalised and that their future lies in self help. However, in the final analysis, their methodologies and activities are such that make the poor and oppressed people victims of their violent agitation and thus brings the rationale behind their agitation to question and calls for urgent actions.

For instance, absolutely nothing in this world can ever justify such colossal loss of lives, property and disruption of social processes caused by the activities of Book Haram sect. However, government's insensitive approach to this and other violent groups was what precipitated the whole issue. While I am being open to research that proves contrary, Boko Haram for instance didn't start as a terrorist group in Nigeria. They started assembly where they would be exposing evils of capitalism as the causes of poverty among the masses (though it was later diverted for political end at a point in time). It was the ruling elite with the help of state apparatus that stated victimising them and such insensitive way of addressing the group help it arouse the sympathy of international terrorist organisations. No wonder former head of state Olusegun Obasanjo at a particular point in time volunteered to lead government delegation to plead with the group's family members.

In the same vein, the plight of Niger Delta region had been constantly neglected by successive governments for a very long time. Lives of the people have been made difficult by oil spillage and gas flaring by activities of multinational oil merchants in that region.
Also, it is important to note that the ruling elites had been successful at creating divisions among the poor masses. This has been done inter alia for election purposes and to make sure the masses would not teem up against them. This divide and rule technique was achieved through ethnic, tribal and religious means. No wonder majority of the Biafra actors erroneously think an average Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba are their enemies. They fail to see the fact that few of their kinsmen are in possession of resources that could feed and take care of everybody in that region abundantly and conveniently. A logical view, therefore, is that in every human society, there are few who are overwhelmingly rich while the majority are poor; there are individual differences; there are the good the bad and the ugly in every society and that wickedness, kindness, greediness, contentment or empathy is never a product of religion, tribe or race but a matter of individual principle or outlook.

It is in light of these problems highlighted above that restructuring debate assumes front burner in our national discourse. The call for restructuring has been highly pronounced in the contemporary Nigerian polity. Some people are of the view that that is an effective way out of socioeconomic backwardness and political decadence that had been persistent in our political clime. Restructuring has been given various brands vis-à-vis resource control, true federalism, devolution of powers, fiscal federalism etc. But, in my view, the common feature of these labels of restructuring is that power is still in the hands of the ruling class. None of these types or brands of this restructuring suggests reconceptualization or reconfiguration of our social relations of production in such a way that no public office holders will earn a salary that is huge enough to employ 50 more people; where the cost of governance will drastically be reduced; where there will be cut in working hours so as to employ more hands as is being the norm in the developed economies; where the politicians must not send their children to school abroad or seek medical treatments overseas; where our economy will drop the culture of consumption and embrace productive behaviour; where religion will ultimately be dichotomized from state and where equal access to economic, education, social, justice and political opportunity exists. It has been recently revealed that each of the Nigerian senators takes home about 29million naira monthly and the parliaments never deemed us deserving of being given a contradictory figure if truly the above figure is not true.. Then what more restructuring is as germane as calling for immediate slash in such an unreasonable, exploitative, wicked and oppressive jumbo pay in the face of our harsh economic reality?

Nonetheless, Nigeria is a country where streets are littered with churches and mosques but moral courage is very infinitesimal. A country where the air is constantly being polluted with preaching and sermons but so silent about injustices. Religious sentiment and hypocrisy have unfortunately beclouded peoples judgements. A country where you are criticised or judged for speaking the truth especially if it goes against the influential politicians or the priests. And most importantly, a country that is richly endowed with human brains and natural wealth.

In conclusion, the way forward is to have a real rethinking of our socioeconomic structure which is the prop upon which the superstructures stand. Capitalism has failed globally and that explains why some of the problems we have in Nigeria are not peculiar to our dear country, only that their intensity differs across economies – and unfortunately more pronounced in my motherland – while some of the reasons for such disparities lie in both external factors and internal political culture. The time is now when we thrown capitalism off the cabin and give way for socialism. But in the mean time, the following reformist or restructuring templates are recommended:

• First and foremost, we have to restructure our minds as a people. We must realise we have a common enemy who are never divided on ethno-religious or political leanings as we are, but rather, only on their selfish interests. We must be critical in our reasoning and do away with ethnicity, religious or political sentiments in our judgements. We must be objective in our criticisms and look inward to see the level of damage IGNORANCE and HYPOCRISY have caused us as a people. This is only way we can move forward.

• No public office holders should earn a salary that is huge enough to employ about 50 more people

• The cost of governance be drastically reviewed downward

• There should be cut in working hours so as to employ more hands as is being practised in the developed economies

• Minimum wages should correspond with inflation rate

• The politicians must not send their children to school abroad or seek medical treatments overseas

• Culture of consumption economy should be dropped and production economy be embraced

• Religion should ultimately be dichotomized from state

• There should exist equal access to economic, educational, social, justice and political opportunity

• There must be effective channels of communication between the government and the people

• Public office holders must become accountable to the populace

• Elected public officials must earn salaries in accordance with the civil and public services wage structure

• There should be holistic and objective review of land use act or land tenure system in such a way to provide homes for the homeless and facilitate agricultural entrepreneurship among the poor

• Decongest our prisons of petty criminals or innocents awaiting trials for eternity and bring high profile criminals (corrupt public official or treasury looters) to book

• And finally, we must embrace and promote our indigenous values by way of cut in our taste for importation.

Reference

Acts, ‘The Holy Bible’ New Living Translation: Chapter 2 v 42, 4 vs 32.    

Agbaje, E.B.A. (2011), ‘Wealth, Power and Insecurity in the Contemporary Nigeria – The Declining       Capacity and Role of the State’, Uniosun Journal of Politics and Society, Vol 2 No 1&2, p253.

Ernest, M. (1969), ‘The Marxist Theory of the State’, A paper presented to the Study Circle of the Brussels section of the Federation Nationale des Etudiants, Merit Publishers, p9
Ibid.

Reiner, R. (2000), ‘The Politics of Police', Oxford University Press, p5.

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